This is the first in a mini-series of historical insights into the 14th century pandemic we call the Black Death, written with more than an eye on the sometimes uncanny resemblances it had to our own Covid-19 experience. Readers of this blog will already know that I have been researching this for my forthcoming novel, Thirteen Forty-Nine, which explores the impact of the Great Mortality, as contemporaries called it, on a fictional village in southern England. In this blog I look at what the Black Death was, where it came from, and its trajectory and effects across Europe.
The pandemic we call the Black Death probably
had its origin in western Asia, and arrived in Europe in 1347 via the port of
Genoa in Italy. The Genoese were well known for travelling and trading far and
wide across the Medieval world, and one of the places they had settled was at Kaffa
(or Caffa, now Feodosija) on the Crimean shores of the Black Sea in Asia Minor.
The Genoese city was established in 1266, by agreement with the Khan of the
Golden Horde, the local ruler. Here they were besieged (not by the first time) by
Mongol forces in 1345–46. The Genoese were supplied by boat, however, and could
not be starved out. According to Gabriele de’Mussi, a Genoese notary, writing soon
after the event although not an eye-witness, the Mongol forces (he called them
Tartars) used biological warfare in an attempt to break the siege: they hurled the
bodies of their own plague-infected soldiers into the city. The attempt failed
and the city remained in Genoese hands. However, a number of the Genoese
defenders took ship and sailed away, taking the disease to Europe. Given the
nature of European contacts with the Near East, it was almost
inevitable that the plague would have found its way to the continent. But the
siege of Kaffa and the Tartars’ biological warfare is a colourful episode that caught
the medieval imagination and still intrigues historians today. It shows,
moreover, how transport links play an important part in pandemic transmission –
something we have learned about afresh in 2020.
The Black Death arrived at the port of
Genoa, where the ship and its infected sailors were promptly sent on their way
by the authorities – though not in time to save the city from the disease. From
southern Italy it spread across the continent through 1347 and early 1348,
moving northwards steadily though affecting some places more severely than
others. A number of chroniclers described it and from their accounts it seems
certain that the disease was a particularly virulent version of bubonic plague.
Three different types were present, in differing mixes in different places and
at different seasons, which is one of the reasons why it was so devastating
(another significant factor may be that since there had been no similar outbreak of plague
in Europe since the 6th century few people had any immunity to it). The most
prevalent type in the early part of the pandemic, in Italy and France, was
bubonic plague, which had a death rate of something around 60 or 70 percent of
those infected. The symptoms were the classic growths (called buboes, giving
the disease its name), a high temperature and a persistent rash or blotches
under the skin. But in England, partly because of the colder weather
experienced during winter and spring 1348/1349, many cases were of pneumonic
plague, which affects the lungs and is very much more deadly. A third and rarer
type, septicaemic plague, in which the bacillus enters the bloodstream directly
and overwhelms the patient extremely quickly, is almost always fatal. Since the
plague is a bacterial infection not a virus, these were simply different ways
the flea-borne bacillus could enter or attack the body. They were not mutations
like those we see in coronavirus-type epidemics. Today all three types of plague can be
treated with antibiotics, but without them it was (and is) untreatable.
The disease reached England in June 1348,
in all probability making its first landfall at Melborne Regis in Dorset. It moved
across the country in a single prolonged wave, but its trajectory was complex;
that is, it did not enter in the south and pass uniformly northwards across the
country. Instead, it followed major transport routes, spreading first westwards
along the south coast, with separate nodes of infection in major ports such as
Bristol on the major inlet below the Severn estuary. This almost certainly
represented transmission by ships, some directly from the continent of Europe,
others from internal ports. For several months after the first infections
in Dorset, the interior of southern England was almost untouched, but Dorset,
Devon and Somerset suffered badly in this early period. In November or December
1348 the disease came to London, with devastating effects not only medically
but also socially and economically; but the route of transmission is uncertain.
Again, it may have been direct infection by sailors or passengers on ships from
the continent, including possibly returning soldiers from Calais after the
truce that halted the Hundred Years War, albeit briefly. Thus, rather
surprisingly, the disease did not hit northern Hampshire until January 1349.
The evidence from the turnover of parish incumbencies, which is one of the main
ways in which the statistics for this pandemic were compiled, shows that the
bulk of the deaths were in the period January to March 1349, though people did
continue to die of plague in much smaller numbers for the rest of the year. The
records of the Bishop of Winchester are extant and have been published (by
Hampshire County Council).
Over Europe as a whole the death rate from the Black Death probably approached 40 per cent – vastly more than even the notorious Spanish flu of 1918–19, and a far far cry from our 21st century experience (less than a measly 0.15 per cent so far, even on the most generous estimates) – and in England, where the pneumonic form was prevalent, it was more like 50 percent, in some places higher. On the evidence of the transfer of incumbencies, Hampshire was one of the more badly affected areas. There was no idea of social distancing, and the lockdown-type social and economic paralysis that occurred in some of the bigger centres of population – in particular London, where there is some evidence of social dislocation – happened simply because no one had leisure for anything but the most basic essential activities. The plague returned in 1361, and periodically throughout the next three centuries, never quite as destructively as the 1348–1350 outbreak, but deadly enough to keep the population of England permanently lower than its pre-plague maximum. It did not fully recover until the 18th century.
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